抵抗軸心
抵抗軸心(波斯語:محور مقاومت,羅馬化:mehvar–e moqâvemat;阿拉伯语:محور المقاومة,羅馬化:miḥwar al-muqāwamah;俄語:Ось сопротивления,羅馬化:Os' soprotivleniya)為伊朗、敘利亞政府與巴勒斯坦武裝組織及黎巴嫩激進組織真主黨[50][51][52]之間,結成的反西方、反以色列和反沙特之政治和非正式的軍事同盟。[53]親敘利亞民兵組織、伊拉克政府批准的什葉派民兵組織人民動員與葉門胡塞運動(正式名稱為真主虔信者)也在此聯盟內。
抵抗軸心 Axis of Resistance | |
---|---|
領導人 | |
派别 | 基本 |
总部 | 伊朗、伊拉克、敘利亞及黎巴嫩 |
意識形態 | 反錫安主義 反西方 反薩拉菲 反對美國、以色列、沙地阿拉伯在中東的利益 反MEK[1] |
政治坐标 | 多個不同政治光譜 |
状态 | 活躍中的非正式軍事同盟 |
盟友 | 同盟政權
非政治實體盟友 |
對手 | 對立政權
非政治實體對立方 |
戰役、戰爭 | 伊朗-沙地阿拉伯代理人衝突, 伊朗-以色列代理人衝突, 敘利亞內戰 |
儘管該聯盟成員的意識形態各异,如世俗阿拉伯复兴社会主义、什葉派霍梅尼主义等,它們基於都宣稱反對親西方諸組織、北約、以色列、波斯灣阿拉伯國家、遜尼派武裝和伊朗人民聖戰者組織等在該地區活動的宗旨,得以共同結盟行事。[54][55]
基於俄羅斯聯邦和中華人民共和國展露的反西方政治姿態,及與伊朗間和敘利亞間都維持積極的雙邊關係,兩國也被伊朗視作該同盟的盟友[56][1]。儘管俄羅斯為支持巴沙爾·阿塞德而軍事介入敘利亞,其也和波斯灣阿拉伯諸國間維持了友好外交關係;旨在深化經濟層面合作尤其於能源領域[57]。中國的中東政策則基於中立原則,同時也有意強化與阿拉伯諸國間的友好關係[8]。
歷史 编辑
利比亞日報Al-Zahf Al-Akhdar回應美國總統喬治·沃克·布希之關於伊朗、伊拉克、北韓為三大「邪惡軸心」之看法,也就是在之後的2002年,該報在一篇題為「邪惡軸心還是抵抗軸心」之文章中寫道:「伊朗、伊拉克和北韓之間唯一的共同點是他們對美國霸權的抵抗」。[58]伊朗報紙Jomhuri-ye Eslami隨後在提及伊拉克的什葉派叛亂時採用了此段落並在2004年道:「如果伊拉克什葉派的路線需要連接、統一和鞏固,就應該實現在抵抗和反對占領者的戰爭軸心上。」[59]
2006年,巴勒斯坦內政部長賽義德,在接受阿拉姆新聞網之採訪時也用這個詞來帶指阿拉伯人與以色列/美國的共同政治目標。他注意到敘利亞內有大量巴勒斯坦難民並道:「敘利亞是一個伊斯蘭阿伯國家,也是美國與猶太復國主義的目標。因此,我們在敘利亞、伊朗、真主黨和哈馬斯看到了這些頂在壓力面前的抵抗軸心」。[60]
「抵抗軸心」一詞藻在2010年8月就已使用。[61]兩年後,伊朗最高領袖之外交事務高級顧問阿里·阿克巴爾·韋拉亞提使用該祠道:
伊朗、敘利亞、真主黨、伊拉克新政府、哈馬斯對以色列的抵抗鏈鳩穿過敘利亞的高速公路⋯⋯敘利亞為對抗以色列抵抗鏈之金環。[62]
2012年8月,敘利亞總統巴沙爾·阿薩德和伊朗最高國家安全委員會之秘書賽義德·賈利利就敘利亞內戰期間舉行的會議[63]中再次提到該祠:
現在敘利亞所發生的並非內部問題,而是抵抗軸心與其在該地區乃至世界的敵人間之衝突。伊朗不會容忍有任何形式破壞抵抗軸心,敘利亞是抵抗軸心的內在組成之一。[62]
敘利亞國家通訊社阿拉伯敘利亞通訊社表示,兩國討論了他們的「戰略合作關係」以及「一些西方國家及其盟國試圖透過鎖定敘利亞並支持那裡的恐怖主義來打擊抵抗軸心」之議題。[63]
該聯盟被以色列總理與大使稱為「恐怖軸心」。[64][65][66]隨著2013年後真主黨加劇在敘利亞內戰中的參與程度, 霍梅尼主义與反遜尼派的同盟關係是逾加明顯 ; 同時間,敘利亞的阿薩德政權為自身得以存續,而轉變為對伊朗及其代理人們 保有恩惠瓜葛及服從關係。受到教派施政的疏離影響,穆斯林兄弟會、哈馬斯等的遜尼派伊斯蘭黨羣開始公開反對伊朗與真主黨,並靠攏土耳其、卡塔爾這些與伊朗之間有地緣政治競爭的國家[67][68]。
背景 编辑
該聯盟一開始是由敘利亞政府與黎巴嫩真主黨所建,幾年後已與敘利亞與真主黨形成緊密關係的伊朗為三者建立鞏固關係,繼而形成了軸心。爾後經伊朗之協調,伊拉克與葉門的武裝份子也相繼加入[69]。俄國涉入敘利亞內戰後,出現了一系列納斯魯拉、阿薩德、哈米尼與俄羅斯總統弗拉迪米爾·普丁圖像之海報,並帶有阿拉伯語標題,意思是「只向上帝低頭的人」。根據國會山報表示,這些海報紛紛暗示了另一個新興區域性抵抗軸心。[70]不過這個同盟被認為,因其內部針對遜尼派敘利亞人的宗派,而深受相關利害的導向[71]。當時真主黨的舉動也在黎巴嫩引起過譴責,較知名的抨擊來自時黎巴嫩總統米歇爾·蘇萊曼,其要求對方停止單方軍演活動。黎巴嫩的遜尼派少數社羣中也有相當的指責聲浪,指控真主黨參與針對其他穆斯林的宗派暴力活動,還有放棄其反錫安主義姿態的做法[72]。
辨識 编辑
該同盟被指是通過為敘利亞獨裁者巴沙爾·阿塞德鞏固統治,及為其針對敘利亞平民的戰爭罪行提供支持,重構了「中東內部的戰略平衡」[73]。據瑪莉莎·蘇利文評價,同盟的活動程序存在三個主要支柱[74]:
- 支持阿薩德政權的共同區域宗旨;
- 保持獲取來自伊朗的武器和資金等資源;
- 防止敘利亞產生一個遜尼派多數主導的政府。
當前執政的敘利亞復興黨菁英,主要由什葉派的一個分支阿拉維派組成,而什葉派也是伊朗的主導教派[75]。擁有這一共通背景,使得他們形成牽涉防禦事務在內多方面的戰略盟友[76]。
解放巴勒斯坦人民陣線儘管屬於馬克思列寧主義編隊,總體上也被歸認為屬於同盟之一部分,也有獲得伊朗的支持[77][78]。遜尼派巴勒斯坦伊斯蘭組織哈馬斯,由於其反以色列和美國的立場,一些時候也被認為屬於該同盟之一份子。不過到2012年3月時,該組織將其總部遷出大馬士革,並一度支持與阿薩德當局對立的敘利亞反對派[79][80]。到2022年10月時,經伊朗居中調解後,哈馬斯與敘利亞政府重修舊盟和恢復聯繫[81][82]。
阿薩德政府和伊朗認為俄羅斯也屬於該同盟成員,不過俄方也與阿拉伯諸國維持友好關係。俄羅斯有與海灣阿拉伯組織國間深化經濟、安全和能源領域的合作,以削弱美國在該地區的影響力,也與伊朗和沙地阿拉伯間強化正常關係。普京在2023年披露的反西方對外政策概念, 優先考慮強化與伊朗、敘利亞、土耳其、沙特阿拉伯、埃及以及其他穆斯林世界政權間的聯盟關係 ; 通過和這些國家「調和分歧與正常化關係」[83][84]。 另外為增強經濟聯繫以打造一個「偉大的歐亞夥伴關係」,相關文件中提到:
「促進信仰之間和文明之間的對話和理解,鞏固保護精神及道德層面的傳統價值的力量,包括透過伊斯蘭合作組織的層面打擊伊斯蘭恐懼症」[83]
伊朗-敘利亞 编辑
韋伯斯特大學助理教授兼研究員朱賓·古達爾齊認為,於1979年形成的伊朗-敘利亞聯盟對抵抗軸心的出現和延續具有重要意義。兩國都位於中東的關鍵位置,他們在過去的三十年裡一直在影響著中東政治。此外,該聯盟被認為會是一個持久的聯盟,並且已持續了34年,「儘管它時常面臨許多挑戰和關係中的周期性壓力」。[62]
伊朗-俄羅斯 编辑
有許多好戰派系在俄羅斯牽涉戰事之時都有給予過支持[85]。
伊朗-中華人民共和國 编辑
中華人民共和國-俄羅斯 编辑
中華人民共和國-敘利亞 编辑
俄羅斯-敘利亞 编辑
抵抗軸心與以色列 编辑
根據塔拉·阿卜杜拉扎克在《中東觀察報》上的報導,該軸心聲稱反對以色列,以獲得整個伊斯蘭世界的民眾支持,並在以色列希望農場空襲事件後遭到重創。[86]在對真主黨車隊進行空襲的三天前,真主黨領導人哈桑·納斯魯拉說:「⋯⋯我們認為,對敘利亞的任何打擊都是對整個抵抗軸心的打擊,而非僅僅對敘利亞的打擊。」[87]
抵抗軸心與伊斯蘭國 编辑
真主黨反對黎巴嫩支持美國干預伊拉克政府之想法,並認為這可能導致美國直接統治該地區或「以美國的公然佔領取代恐怖主義」。[88]
塔利班-伊朗關係 编辑
伊朗最高領袖阿里·哈米尼之顧問阿里·阿克巴爾·韋拉亞提將由塔利班領導的阿富汗伊斯蘭酋長國描述為以伊朗為核心的,一個尋求「抵抗、獨立和自由」的抵抗軸心的一部分。[89]伊朗著名的原則主義派日報宇宙報也開始將阿富汗伊斯蘭酋長國為抵抗軸心的成員國之一。[90][91]然而,塔利班始终与中国的亲密盟友巴基斯坦保持更密切联系[92]。
參見 编辑
- 阿以反伊聯盟
- 俄羅斯-敘利亞-伊朗-伊拉克聯盟
- 什葉新月
- 外國干涉敘利亞內戰
- 伊朗-以色列代理人衝突
- 敘利亞內戰期間的伊朗-以色列衝突
- 伊朗-沙烏地阿拉伯代理人衝突
備註 编辑
參考文獻 编辑
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